Research Article | | Peer-Reviewed

Travelling Tropical Gangstas from France: An Analysis of Hardcore French Rappers Who Reenforce Their Hypermasculinity by Filming Music Videos in Medellín and Rio De Janeiro

Received: 11 June 2025     Accepted: 3 July 2025     Published: 24 July 2025
Views:       Downloads:
Abstract

Since the nascent stage of French hip-hop music, Gangsta-style rappers have emphasised their toughness and hypermasculinity by producing videos in disenfranchised areas in France. These types of self-characterisations in French rap play a vital role in reinforcing an artist’s reputational strength and are a method for establishing their personally styled brand. The interplay that connects a community with hip-hop constitutes two essential frameworks that shape and facilitate the Alpha Male viewpoint of many global rap artists. In recent years, several of the most popular French hardcore rappers are abandoning their longstanding rubric of filming in socio-economically challenged areas of France by travelling to locations overseas where they can create new narratives of auto-fortitude. By choosing to produce videos in faraway global locales, French hip-hop artists are realising the visual power that these foreign locations enable them in terms of re-branding their reputations. This is particularly true when rap consumers can associate or stereotype certain international locations with crime and deviance. In this sense, Brazil and Colombia have become favoured destinations for the production of music videos. Videoclips filmed in these two countries feature thematic cynosures of vice where rappers can position themselves as kingpins. These presentations are intentionally produced in zones that viewers might recognise from newsclips, programmes, or popular films. Socio-economically challenged places like the comunas of Medellín and Rio de Janeiro’s favelas give French hip-hop artists new stylistic techniques to bolster their self-narratives. This enables them to exude toughness in manners not available to them at home, such as cosplaying real-life gangsters and flaunting firearms in videos. This study deconstructs hypermasculine demonstrations as exhibited in several commercially popular music French hip-hop videos that were produced in Brazil and Colombia by examining the reasonings and contrasts of these narratives. For the hardcore rappers who produce content overseas, the choice to create videoclips in disenfranchised areas in those countries is fully intentional. The more an artist embraces a stereotypically provocative visual image with which viewers can identity based on these locations, the more fortuitous they seem, even when these same filmic destinations are negatively fetishised or misrepresented in the process. As hypermasculinity and male posturing continue to be an important components in hip-hop, it is likely that rappers from France will increasingly choose global locations where they will have the ability to bolster their self-narratives of virility in outrageously fictitious manners.

Published in Humanities and Social Sciences (Volume 13, Issue 4)
DOI 10.11648/j.hss.20251304.18
Page(s) 348-363
Creative Commons

This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, provided the original work is properly cited.

Copyright

Copyright © The Author(s), 2025. Published by Science Publishing Group

Keywords

Brazil, Colombia, Favelas, French Hip-hop, French Rap, French Rappers, Hardcore Rap, Hypermasculinity in Hip-hop, Gangsta Rap, Medellin, Rap Français, Rio De Janeiro

References
[1] Altamirano, M. Eugenia. (2023). Legitimizing Discourses within Favela Tourism. Tourism Geographies, 25(7), 1712-1729.
[2] Antoniak, Joanna. (2018). Beyond Hegemonic Masculinity—Criticism and Subversion of Masculinity Models in American Rap Music: The Case of the Lonely Island. Currents, 4, 114-128.
[3] Belle, Crystal. (1994). From Jay Z to Dead Prez: Examining Representations of Black Masculinity in Mainstream versus Underground Hip-Hop Music. Journal of Black Studies, 45(4), 287-300.
[4] Brand, Peter, and Dávila, Julio. (2011). Mobility Innovation at the Urban Margins: Medellín’s Metrocables. City (6), 647-661.
[5] Brida, Juan Gabriel. G., Brindis, Rodríguez, Martin Alberto, & Mejía-Alzate, Maria Leivy. (2021). La contribución del turismo al crecimiento económico de la ciudad de Medellín-Colombia. Revista de economía del Rosario, 24(1), 1-24.
[6] Bryant, Yaphet. (2008). Relationship Between Exposure to Rap Music Videos and Attitudes Toward Relationships Among African-American Youth. Journal of Black Psychology, 34(3), 356-380.
[7] Caplan, David. (2014). Rhyme’s Challenge: Hip Hop, Poetry, and Contemporary Rhyming Culture. London: Oxford University Press.
[8] Castillo-Palacio, Marisol., Harrill, Rich., & Zuñiga-Collazos, Alexander. (2017). Back from the brink: Social transformation and developing tourism in post-conflict Medellin, Colombia. Worldwide Hospitality and Tourism Themes, 9(3), 300-315.
[9] Corburn, Jason, et al. (2020). The Transformation of Medellín into a ‘City for Life:’ Insights for Healthy Cities. Cities & Health, 4(1), 13-24.
[10] Dalibert, Marion. (2018). Les masculinités ethnoracialisées des rappeur-ese-s dans la presse. Mouvements, 4, 22-28.
[11] Duque, Yani Vallejo. (2023). Ciclos de violencia en la ciudad de Medellín, antecedentes para pensar las dinámicas de una paz urbana. Revista Kavilando, 15(1), 9-33.
[12] Dyson, Michael Eric., & Hurt, Byron. (2012). Cover your eyes as I describe a scene so violent: violence, machismo, sexism, and homophobia. In Neil F Foreman (ed.), That’s The Joint: The Hip Hop Studies Reader, pp. 358-69. New York: Routledge.
[13] Freedman, David H. (2019). ‘How Medellín, Colombia, Became the World’s Smartest City’. Newsweek, 18 November 2019,
[14] Freire-Medeiros, Bianca. (2006). A Construção da Favela Carioca como Destino Turístico. Rio de Janeiro, CPDOC.
[15] Freire-Medeiros, Bianca. (2009). Gringo na Laje: Produção, circulação e consumo da favela turística. Rio de Janeiro: Editora FGV.
[16] Freire-Medeiros, Bianca (2012). Favela Tourism: Listening to Local Voices: Slum Tourism: Poverty, Power and Ethics, edited by Frenzel Fabian. et al., Routledge, pp. 175-92.
[17] Frisch, Thomas. (2016). Glimpses of another world: The favela as a tourist attraction. Tourism and geographies of inequality. (1), 126-144.
[18] Freitas, Franck. (2011). ‘Blackness à La Demande”. Production Narrative de l’Authenticité Raciale Dans l’industrie Du Rap Américain.’ La Revue Des Musiques Populaires, 8, 93-121.
[19] Genzlinger, Neil. (2015). Crítica: ‘Narcos’ de Netflix es un drama irresistible sobre la era de Pablo Escobar. The New York Times, The New York Times, 27 August 2015,
[20] Gómez, Johan Sebastian. G., Zapata, Ledys Lopez, & Mees, Luis. Alexandre. Lellis. (2019). ¿Por qué vienen los turistas? Estudio comparado entre las favelas y barrios populares de Medellín. Criterio Libre, 17(31), 365-382.
[21] Halling, Kirsten. (2015). Identity and ‘Street Cred’ in the Works of French Rappers Oxmo Puccino and Booba. The French Review, 88(3), 91-105,
[22] Hammou, Karim. (2014). Une histoire du rap en France. Paris: La Découverte.
[23] Hook, Dave. (2020). Growing up in Hip Hop: The Expression of Self in Hypermasculine Cultures. Global Hip Hop Studies, 1(1), 71-94,
[24] Hooper, Glenn. (2016). Dark tourism in the brightest of cities: Rio de Janeiro and the Favela Tour. Dark tourism, 187-204.
[25] Iwamoto, Derek. (2003). Tupac Shakur: Understanding the Identity Formation of Hyper-Masculinity of a Popular Hip-Hop Artist. The Black Scholar, 33(2), 44-49,
[26] Jeffries, Michael P. (2011). Thug Life: Race, Gender, and the Meaning of Hip-Hop. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
[27] Jefferies, Michael P. (2014). Hip-Hop Urbanism Old and New. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 38(2), 706-715.
[28] Kimmel, Michael. (1997). Manhood in America: A Cultural History. New York: Free Press.
[29] Kitwana, Bakari. (1994). The Rap on Gangsta Rap: Who Run It: Gangster Rap and Visions of Black Violence. Chicago: Third World Press.
[30] Larkins, Erika Mary Robb. (2015). The Spectacular Favela: Violence in Modern Brazil. Berkeley: University of California Press.
[31] Laybourn, Wendy M. (2018). The Cost of Being “Real”: Black Authenticity, Colourism, and Billboard Rap Chart Rankings. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 41(11), 2085-2103,
[32] Lena, Jennifer C. (2013). Authenticity and Independence in Rap Music and other Genre Communities. In in Sara Horsfall, Jan-Martijn Meij, and Meghan Probstfield (eds.). Explorations in Music Sociology: Examining the Role of Music in Social Life. Pp. 232-240 in Sara Horsfall, Jan-Martijn Meij, and Meghan Probstfield (eds.). Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishing.
[33] Matsuyuki, Mihoko, et al. (2020). Impact of Aerial Cable Car in Low-Income Area in Medellín, Colombia. Transportation Research Procedia, 48, 3264-3282.
[34] Maz, Alvaro. (2013). Medellín: A Case for Social Urbanism. Journal Planning News, 39(9), 18-19.
[35] McCann, Bryan. (2006). The political evolution of Rio de Janeiro's Favelas: recent works. Latin American Research Review, 41(3), 149-163.
[36] McNally, James. (2017). Favela Chic: Diplo, Funk Carioca, and the Ethics and Aesthetics of the Global Remix. Popular Music and Society, 40(4), 434-452.
[37] Morris, Megan. (2014). Authentic Ideals of Masculinity in Hip-Hop Culture: A Contemporary Extension of the Masculine Rhetoric of the Civil Rights and Black Power Movements, Sydney Undergraduate Journal of Musicology, 4, 26-40.
[38] Naef, Patrick. (2020). Resilience as a City Brand: The Cases of the Comuna 13 and Moravia in Medellín, Colombia. Sustainability, 12(20), 8469.
[39] Oliver, Huw. (2022). ‘The Best Cities in the World 2022.’ Time Out Worldwide, 11 June 2022,
[40] Oliver, William. (1984). Black Males and the Tough Guy Image: A Dysfunctional Compensatory Adaptation. Western Journal of Black Studies, 8, 199-203.
[41] Oware, Matthew. (2016). ‘We stick out like a sore thumb:’ Underground White Rappers’ Hegemonic Masculinity and Racial Evasion’. Sociology of Race and Ethnicity, 2(3), 372-386.
[42] Panfil, Robin, (2016). ‘Faites le tour du monde avec les clips de rap français,’ Slate, 2 April 2016.
[43] Patton, Desmond Upton, Eschmann, Robert. D., & Butler, Dirk. A. (2013). Internet banging: New trends in social media, gang violence, masculinity and hip hop. Computers in Human Behavior, 29(5), A54-A59.
[44] Pégram, Scooter. (2021). Rhymin’to (re) discover one’s Africanité: How racism and exclusion in France is thematically inspiring French hip-hop artists to rap about the roots of their bicultural duality. Ethnic Studies Review, 44(1), 75-95.
[45] Perlman, Janice. (2010). Favela: Four decades of living on the edge in Rio de Janeiro. London: Oxford University Press.
[46] Randolph, Antonia. (2006). Don’t Hate Me Because I’m Beautiful: Black Masculinity and Alternative Embodiment in Rap Music. Race, Gender & Class, 13, 200-217.
[47] Reimerink, Letty. (2018). Planners and the Pride Factor: The Case of the Electric Escalator in Medellín. Bulletin of Latin American Research, 37(2), 191-205.
[48] Rose, Tricia. (2008). The Hip Hop Wars: What We Talk About When We Talk About Hip-Hop and Why It Matters. Phiadelphia: Perseus.
[49] Sousa, Bruno., Machado, Annaelise., de Oliveira, Frederico Ferreira., de Abreu Rocha, Alexandra Maria., & Ribeiro, Miguel. (2023). Promoting favela storytelling in the tourist visitation: an exploratory study. In Advances in Tourism, Technology and Systems: Selected Papers from ICOTTS 2022, Volume 2 (pp. 343-351). Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore.
[50] Van Broeck, A. M. (2018). ‘Pablo Escobar Tourism’—Unwanted Tourism: Attitudes of Tourism Stakeholders in Medellín, Colombia. The Palgrave handbook of dark tourism studies, 291-318.
[51] Valladares, Licia do Prado. (1978). Passa-se Uma Casa: Análise do programa de remoção de favelas do Rio de Janeiro. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar Editores.
[52] Wilson, Amos. (1991). Understanding Black Male Adolescent Male Violence: Its Remediation and Prevention. New York: Afrikan World Infosystems.
[53] Williams, Claire. (2008). Ghettourism and Voyeurism, or Challenging Stereotypes and Raising Consciousness? Literary and Non-literary Forays into the Favelas of Rio de Janeiro. Bulletin of Latin American Research, 27(4), 483-500.
[54] Zapata, Gustavo Ospina. (2019). ‘El turismo en Medellín creció 50% en cinco años’. 28 September 2019,
[55] Zeiderman, Austin. (2006). Schizophrenia and the Slum: Notes on Touring Favelas in Rio de Janeiro. Anthropology News, 47(6), 19-20.
Cite This Article
  • APA Style

    Pégram, S. (2025). Travelling Tropical Gangstas from France: An Analysis of Hardcore French Rappers Who Reenforce Their Hypermasculinity by Filming Music Videos in Medellín and Rio De Janeiro. Humanities and Social Sciences, 13(4), 348-363. https://doi.org/10.11648/j.hss.20251304.18

    Copy | Download

    ACS Style

    Pégram, S. Travelling Tropical Gangstas from France: An Analysis of Hardcore French Rappers Who Reenforce Their Hypermasculinity by Filming Music Videos in Medellín and Rio De Janeiro. Humanit. Soc. Sci. 2025, 13(4), 348-363. doi: 10.11648/j.hss.20251304.18

    Copy | Download

    AMA Style

    Pégram S. Travelling Tropical Gangstas from France: An Analysis of Hardcore French Rappers Who Reenforce Their Hypermasculinity by Filming Music Videos in Medellín and Rio De Janeiro. Humanit Soc Sci. 2025;13(4):348-363. doi: 10.11648/j.hss.20251304.18

    Copy | Download

  • @article{10.11648/j.hss.20251304.18,
      author = {Scooter Pégram},
      title = {Travelling Tropical Gangstas from France: An Analysis of Hardcore French Rappers Who Reenforce Their Hypermasculinity by Filming Music Videos in Medellín and Rio De Janeiro
    },
      journal = {Humanities and Social Sciences},
      volume = {13},
      number = {4},
      pages = {348-363},
      doi = {10.11648/j.hss.20251304.18},
      url = {https://doi.org/10.11648/j.hss.20251304.18},
      eprint = {https://article.sciencepublishinggroup.com/pdf/10.11648.j.hss.20251304.18},
      abstract = {Since the nascent stage of French hip-hop music, Gangsta-style rappers have emphasised their toughness and hypermasculinity by producing videos in disenfranchised areas in France. These types of self-characterisations in French rap play a vital role in reinforcing an artist’s reputational strength and are a method for establishing their personally styled brand. The interplay that connects a community with hip-hop constitutes two essential frameworks that shape and facilitate the Alpha Male viewpoint of many global rap artists. In recent years, several of the most popular French hardcore rappers are abandoning their longstanding rubric of filming in socio-economically challenged areas of France by travelling to locations overseas where they can create new narratives of auto-fortitude. By choosing to produce videos in faraway global locales, French hip-hop artists are realising the visual power that these foreign locations enable them in terms of re-branding their reputations. This is particularly true when rap consumers can associate or stereotype certain international locations with crime and deviance. In this sense, Brazil and Colombia have become favoured destinations for the production of music videos. Videoclips filmed in these two countries feature thematic cynosures of vice where rappers can position themselves as kingpins. These presentations are intentionally produced in zones that viewers might recognise from newsclips, programmes, or popular films. Socio-economically challenged places like the comunas of Medellín and Rio de Janeiro’s favelas give French hip-hop artists new stylistic techniques to bolster their self-narratives. This enables them to exude toughness in manners not available to them at home, such as cosplaying real-life gangsters and flaunting firearms in videos. This study deconstructs hypermasculine demonstrations as exhibited in several commercially popular music French hip-hop videos that were produced in Brazil and Colombia by examining the reasonings and contrasts of these narratives. For the hardcore rappers who produce content overseas, the choice to create videoclips in disenfranchised areas in those countries is fully intentional. The more an artist embraces a stereotypically provocative visual image with which viewers can identity based on these locations, the more fortuitous they seem, even when these same filmic destinations are negatively fetishised or misrepresented in the process. As hypermasculinity and male posturing continue to be an important components in hip-hop, it is likely that rappers from France will increasingly choose global locations where they will have the ability to bolster their self-narratives of virility in outrageously fictitious manners.},
     year = {2025}
    }
    

    Copy | Download

  • TY  - JOUR
    T1  - Travelling Tropical Gangstas from France: An Analysis of Hardcore French Rappers Who Reenforce Their Hypermasculinity by Filming Music Videos in Medellín and Rio De Janeiro
    
    AU  - Scooter Pégram
    Y1  - 2025/07/24
    PY  - 2025
    N1  - https://doi.org/10.11648/j.hss.20251304.18
    DO  - 10.11648/j.hss.20251304.18
    T2  - Humanities and Social Sciences
    JF  - Humanities and Social Sciences
    JO  - Humanities and Social Sciences
    SP  - 348
    EP  - 363
    PB  - Science Publishing Group
    SN  - 2330-8184
    UR  - https://doi.org/10.11648/j.hss.20251304.18
    AB  - Since the nascent stage of French hip-hop music, Gangsta-style rappers have emphasised their toughness and hypermasculinity by producing videos in disenfranchised areas in France. These types of self-characterisations in French rap play a vital role in reinforcing an artist’s reputational strength and are a method for establishing their personally styled brand. The interplay that connects a community with hip-hop constitutes two essential frameworks that shape and facilitate the Alpha Male viewpoint of many global rap artists. In recent years, several of the most popular French hardcore rappers are abandoning their longstanding rubric of filming in socio-economically challenged areas of France by travelling to locations overseas where they can create new narratives of auto-fortitude. By choosing to produce videos in faraway global locales, French hip-hop artists are realising the visual power that these foreign locations enable them in terms of re-branding their reputations. This is particularly true when rap consumers can associate or stereotype certain international locations with crime and deviance. In this sense, Brazil and Colombia have become favoured destinations for the production of music videos. Videoclips filmed in these two countries feature thematic cynosures of vice where rappers can position themselves as kingpins. These presentations are intentionally produced in zones that viewers might recognise from newsclips, programmes, or popular films. Socio-economically challenged places like the comunas of Medellín and Rio de Janeiro’s favelas give French hip-hop artists new stylistic techniques to bolster their self-narratives. This enables them to exude toughness in manners not available to them at home, such as cosplaying real-life gangsters and flaunting firearms in videos. This study deconstructs hypermasculine demonstrations as exhibited in several commercially popular music French hip-hop videos that were produced in Brazil and Colombia by examining the reasonings and contrasts of these narratives. For the hardcore rappers who produce content overseas, the choice to create videoclips in disenfranchised areas in those countries is fully intentional. The more an artist embraces a stereotypically provocative visual image with which viewers can identity based on these locations, the more fortuitous they seem, even when these same filmic destinations are negatively fetishised or misrepresented in the process. As hypermasculinity and male posturing continue to be an important components in hip-hop, it is likely that rappers from France will increasingly choose global locations where they will have the ability to bolster their self-narratives of virility in outrageously fictitious manners.
    VL  - 13
    IS  - 4
    ER  - 

    Copy | Download

Author Information
  • Sections