People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy

Abraheim Weizfeld

doi:doi:10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12

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People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy

Abraheim Weizfeld^*

Published in Humanities and Social Sciences (Volume 14, Issue 2)

Received: 7 January 2026 Accepted: 27 January 2026 Published: 5 March 2026

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Abstract

The fulfilment of the arising expectations amongst the generations of the Twenty-First Century - in terms of social implication and communication - has become the assertion of opinion as a qualitative augmentation of political engagement. This actuality necessitates a methodology of organic networks in a generalized ongoing and permanent access to the decision-making process of a given Society. The task of forming a political superstructure that is a direct reflection of the social collective-consciousness is a challenge that is not met and cannot be met within the obsolete Nation-State paradigm. Initially this paradigm was formulated in 1648 CE, for the purpose of centralizing a unified Germany under the tutelage of the Prussian aristocracy, as the Modern State. The Occidental model of Statecraft is the subject of protestation in terms of the anti-war movements, the Gen Z uprisings seeking policy and political change by way of the street, due to the lack of any other avenue of intervention. Together with the extrapolations made between political life and social issues in terms of individual Identities and minority Identities, there is reason to consider the reformulation of Democracy as Demarchy, to supersede representativity in a direct application, by way of the means and consciousness of current conditions in the here and now. The codification of such principles is feasible through the process of the Constituent Assembly as the initial Council methodology formulating the permanent priorities and conditions which generate a societal consensus for the legitimacy of the Law. In effect the hierarchy of power is put into question as an operational regime. The failure of the modern Nation-State is revealed as non-operational in various dimensions; as lacking the actual collective consciousness in consensus, disregarding the minorities in Civil Society and hoisting a hierarchy of power without the authority of the Public’s will.

Published in	Humanities and Social Sciences (Volume 14, Issue 2)
DOI	10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12
Page(s)	79-89
Creative Commons	This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, provided the original work is properly cited.
Copyright	Copyright © The Author(s), 2026. Published by Science Publishing Group

Keywords

Demarchy, Democracy, Post-Modernism, Constitution, State, Network, People’s Power

References

[1]	Democracy (noun) - a system of government by the whole population or all the eligible members of a state, typically through elected representatives: "a system of parliamentary democracy", Copilot Search Microsoft Bing, 2025-01-16.
[2]	Abraham Weizfeld, ‘Direct and Parallel Democracy - Social Programme for Kebek’, POSSIBLES Revue, 1999, Montréal, Québec, https://www.academia.edu/4613007/Social_programme_Kebek_Parallel_Direct_Democracy?sm=b&rhid=37549969212
[3]	Céli Weizfeld-Castelijn, Network Democracy: Concept of Direct Democracy by general participation in participatory democracy, 2025-10-26, https://www.academia.edu/144696542/Network_Democracy_v5
[4]	Abraham Weizfeld, ‘In Democratic Theory’, Columbia University Symposium, The Prospects for Democracy: A Libyan-American Dialogue, New York, 2006-04-2, pp 4-5. https://www.academia.edu/5270095/In_Democratic_Theory
[5]	Muammar Al-Kaddafi, ‘The Green Book’, Tripoli, Libya, 1980, Db790000.ca.archive +1 https://www.bookdelivery.com/ca-en/book-gaddafi-s-the-green-book/9781541241312/p/48374177?bmkt_source=google&bmkt_campaign=22914410294&gad_source=1&gad_campaignid=22914410294&gbraid=0AAAAAD7H2K73JSl96ynC3j2cJQzlb__c0&gclid=Cj0KCQiAvtzLBhCPARIsALwhxdrRCyV6Nr12seOktCyjkGVIQaznjmYRHLSYAZFyf1mRtQhxmJU8sIIaAmGYEALw_wcB
[6]	Abraham Weizfeld, Constituent Assembly resolution on Québec National-Cultural Autonomy, 2013-10-6, pp 3-4, https://www.academia.edu/25937984/Constituant_Assembly_resolution_on_Qu%C3%A9bec_National_Cultural_Autonomy
[7]	Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2022. https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/johann-fichte/#:~:text=Inspired%20by%20his%20reading%20of,Wissenschaftslehre%20(%E2%80%9CDoctrine%20of%20Scientific%20Knowledge%E2%80%9D
[8]	Abraham Weizfeld, ‘Nation, Society and the State: the reconciliation of Palestinian and Jewish Nationhood’, ‘Reciprocity and Nation’, Chapter III, Faculty de Science politique et Droit, l’Université du Québec à Montréal, 2014, https://www.academia.edu/5215083/Nation_Society_and_the_State_the_reconciliation_of_Palestinian_and_Jewish_Nationhood pp 175-206, p 206.
[9]	Québec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms, 1975, https://www.legisquebec.gouv.qc.ca/fr/document/lc/c-12?langCont=en#:~:text=3.,non%2Ddisclosure%20of%20confidential%20information
[10]	Canada Charter of Rights and Freedoms, 1982, https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/csj-sjc/rfc-dlc/ccrf-ccdl/index.html
[11]	Cory Doctorow, ‘The Internet Con: How to Seize the Means of Computation’, Verso, 2023, p 155. https://www.versobooks.com/en-ca/products/3035-the-internet-con
[12]	Céli Weizfeld-Castelijn, ‘Social Law of World Peace’, Montréal, 2006, https://www.academia.edu/44601789/Social_Law_of_World_Peace
[13]	P. J. Proudhon, The Principle of Federation, The University of Toronto Press, ISBN 0-8020-5458-7, 1979, https://files.libcom.org/files/P.-J.%20Proudhon%20-%20The%20Principle%20of%20Federation.pdf
[14]	Manual of parliamentary procedure, Robert’s Rules of Order is a widely recognized manual of parliamentary procedure that provides guidelines for conducting meetings and making decisions in an orderly manner. The 12^th Edition is the most current version, and it serves as the authoritative source on these rules. Key principles include ensuring everyone has the right to participate in discussion, maintaining order by discussing one motion at a time, and allowing members to know what is happening at all times. These rules are essential for facilitating faire and efficient decision-making in various organizational settings, Copilot Bing, 2026-02-10.
[15]	Robert’s Rules of Order, Henry Martyn Robert, original edition 1876, Robert's Rules of Order \| The Official Website of Rober'ts Rules of Order, 12th edition, Robert’s Rules of Order Newly Revised 12th Edition released at Virtual 2020 National Association of Parliamentarians (NAP) Training Conference, August 28, 2020 - Official Robert's Rules of Order Website.
[16]	The Code Morin refers to a set of procedures for conducting meetings, primarily used in Quebec and Nova Scotia. It was first published in 1938 by Victor Morin and outlines how to hold democratic and orderly general assembly meetings. The Code emphasizes a system of propositions and amendments, ensuring that all proposals are approved before discussion can occur. Victor Morin (mis à jour par Michel Delorme), Procédure des assemblées délibérantes, Beauchemin, Montréal, 1994. (ISBN 2761605438), Procédure des assemblées délibérantes: [code Morin]: Morin, Victor, 1865-1960: Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming: Internet Archive.
[17]	Bourinot’s Rules of Order are parliamentary rules that originated in the UK and have been adapted for use in Canada. They were written by Sir John George Bourinot, a clerk in the House of Commons, to help members understand the parliamentary procedure. The rules reflect the evolution of parliamentary practice over centuries and aim to ensure a fair and just exchange of views among members. The rules have been revised multiple times to keep them current and applicable to various assemblies, including those in Canada. Copilot Bing, 2026-02-10. Bourinot’s Rules of Order, Fourth Edition, Geoffery H. Stanford, Microsoft Word - EN-Bourinot-Rules.doc, https://usw1944.ca/sites/default/files/en-bourinot.pdf
[18]	La Confédération des Cinq Nations 1390: Haudenosaunee, Le Peuple de la Maison Longue (Iroquois!), Kaianere’ko:wa: Le Grand Bien, réimprimé de Pleine Terre, Vol. I No. 1, Solstice d’été 1992, Appendix B, page 377, Nation, Society and the State: The Reconciliation of Palestinian and Jewish Nationhood, abraham Weizfeld, Authorhouse, Bloomington, IN, USA, 2012, http://bookstore.authorhouse.com/Products/SKU-000425888/NATION--SOCIETY--AND--THE-STATE.aspx ISBN: 978-1-4685-4528-9 (sc) 978-1-4685-4527-2 (e)
[19]	José Antonio Brandao and William A. Starna, ‘The Treaties of 1701: A Triumph of Iroquois Diplomacy’ Ethnohistory 43 (Spring 1996): 209-244.

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Weizfeld, A. (2026). People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy. Humanities and Social Sciences, 14(2), 79-89. https://doi.org/10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12

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Weizfeld, A. People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy. Humanit. Soc. Sci. 2026, 14(2), 79-89. doi: 10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12

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AMA Style

Weizfeld A. People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy. Humanit Soc Sci. 2026;14(2):79-89. doi: 10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12

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@article{10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12,
  author = {Abraheim Weizfeld},
  title = {People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy},
  journal = {Humanities and Social Sciences},
  volume = {14},
  number = {2},
  pages = {79-89},
  doi = {10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12},
  eprint = {https://article.sciencepublishinggroup.com/pdf/10.11648.j.hss.20261402.12},
  abstract = {The fulfilment of the arising expectations amongst the generations of the Twenty-First Century - in terms of social implication and communication - has become the assertion of opinion as a qualitative augmentation of political engagement. This actuality necessitates a methodology of organic networks in a generalized ongoing and permanent access to the decision-making process of a given Society. The task of forming a political superstructure that is a direct reflection of the social collective-consciousness is a challenge that is not met and cannot be met within the obsolete Nation-State paradigm. Initially this paradigm was formulated in 1648 CE, for the purpose of centralizing a unified Germany under the tutelage of the Prussian aristocracy, as the Modern State. The Occidental model of Statecraft is the subject of protestation in terms of the anti-war movements, the Gen Z uprisings seeking policy and political change by way of the street, due to the lack of any other avenue of intervention. Together with the extrapolations made between political life and social issues in terms of individual Identities and minority Identities, there is reason to consider the reformulation of Democracy as Demarchy, to supersede representativity in a direct application, by way of the means and consciousness of current conditions in the here and now. The codification of such principles is feasible through the process of the Constituent Assembly as the initial Council methodology formulating the permanent priorities and conditions which generate a societal consensus for the legitimacy of the Law. In effect the hierarchy of power is put into question as an operational regime. The failure of the modern Nation-State is revealed as non-operational in various dimensions; as lacking the actual collective consciousness in consensus, disregarding the minorities in Civil Society and hoisting a hierarchy of power without the authority of the Public’s will.},
 year = {2026}
}

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T1  - People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy
AU  - Abraheim Weizfeld
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N1  - https://doi.org/10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12
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AB  - The fulfilment of the arising expectations amongst the generations of the Twenty-First Century - in terms of social implication and communication - has become the assertion of opinion as a qualitative augmentation of political engagement. This actuality necessitates a methodology of organic networks in a generalized ongoing and permanent access to the decision-making process of a given Society. The task of forming a political superstructure that is a direct reflection of the social collective-consciousness is a challenge that is not met and cannot be met within the obsolete Nation-State paradigm. Initially this paradigm was formulated in 1648 CE, for the purpose of centralizing a unified Germany under the tutelage of the Prussian aristocracy, as the Modern State. The Occidental model of Statecraft is the subject of protestation in terms of the anti-war movements, the Gen Z uprisings seeking policy and political change by way of the street, due to the lack of any other avenue of intervention. Together with the extrapolations made between political life and social issues in terms of individual Identities and minority Identities, there is reason to consider the reformulation of Democracy as Demarchy, to supersede representativity in a direct application, by way of the means and consciousness of current conditions in the here and now. The codification of such principles is feasible through the process of the Constituent Assembly as the initial Council methodology formulating the permanent priorities and conditions which generate a societal consensus for the legitimacy of the Law. In effect the hierarchy of power is put into question as an operational regime. The failure of the modern Nation-State is revealed as non-operational in various dimensions; as lacking the actual collective consciousness in consensus, disregarding the minorities in Civil Society and hoisting a hierarchy of power without the authority of the Public’s will.
VL  - 14
IS  - 2
ER  -

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Abraheim Weizfeld

Doctorate Political Science, University of Quebec in Montreal, Canada

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Weizfeld, A. (2026). People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy. Humanities and Social Sciences, 14(2), 79-89. https://doi.org/10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12

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Weizfeld, A. People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy. Humanit. Soc. Sci. 2026, 14(2), 79-89. doi: 10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12

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AMA Style

Weizfeld A. People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy. Humanit Soc Sci. 2026;14(2):79-89. doi: 10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12

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@article{10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12,
  author = {Abraheim Weizfeld},
  title = {People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy},
  journal = {Humanities and Social Sciences},
  volume = {14},
  number = {2},
  pages = {79-89},
  doi = {10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12},
  eprint = {https://article.sciencepublishinggroup.com/pdf/10.11648.j.hss.20261402.12},
  abstract = {The fulfilment of the arising expectations amongst the generations of the Twenty-First Century - in terms of social implication and communication - has become the assertion of opinion as a qualitative augmentation of political engagement. This actuality necessitates a methodology of organic networks in a generalized ongoing and permanent access to the decision-making process of a given Society. The task of forming a political superstructure that is a direct reflection of the social collective-consciousness is a challenge that is not met and cannot be met within the obsolete Nation-State paradigm. Initially this paradigm was formulated in 1648 CE, for the purpose of centralizing a unified Germany under the tutelage of the Prussian aristocracy, as the Modern State. The Occidental model of Statecraft is the subject of protestation in terms of the anti-war movements, the Gen Z uprisings seeking policy and political change by way of the street, due to the lack of any other avenue of intervention. Together with the extrapolations made between political life and social issues in terms of individual Identities and minority Identities, there is reason to consider the reformulation of Democracy as Demarchy, to supersede representativity in a direct application, by way of the means and consciousness of current conditions in the here and now. The codification of such principles is feasible through the process of the Constituent Assembly as the initial Council methodology formulating the permanent priorities and conditions which generate a societal consensus for the legitimacy of the Law. In effect the hierarchy of power is put into question as an operational regime. The failure of the modern Nation-State is revealed as non-operational in various dimensions; as lacking the actual collective consciousness in consensus, disregarding the minorities in Civil Society and hoisting a hierarchy of power without the authority of the Public’s will.},
 year = {2026}
}

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TY  - JOUR
T1  - People’s Power in Post-Modernism - Constitutional Demarchy
AU  - Abraheim Weizfeld
Y1  - 2026/03/05
PY  - 2026
N1  - https://doi.org/10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12
DO  - 10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12
T2  - Humanities and Social Sciences
JF  - Humanities and Social Sciences
JO  - Humanities and Social Sciences
SP  - 79
EP  - 89
PB  - Science Publishing Group
SN  - 2330-8184
UR  - https://doi.org/10.11648/j.hss.20261402.12
AB  - The fulfilment of the arising expectations amongst the generations of the Twenty-First Century - in terms of social implication and communication - has become the assertion of opinion as a qualitative augmentation of political engagement. This actuality necessitates a methodology of organic networks in a generalized ongoing and permanent access to the decision-making process of a given Society. The task of forming a political superstructure that is a direct reflection of the social collective-consciousness is a challenge that is not met and cannot be met within the obsolete Nation-State paradigm. Initially this paradigm was formulated in 1648 CE, for the purpose of centralizing a unified Germany under the tutelage of the Prussian aristocracy, as the Modern State. The Occidental model of Statecraft is the subject of protestation in terms of the anti-war movements, the Gen Z uprisings seeking policy and political change by way of the street, due to the lack of any other avenue of intervention. Together with the extrapolations made between political life and social issues in terms of individual Identities and minority Identities, there is reason to consider the reformulation of Democracy as Demarchy, to supersede representativity in a direct application, by way of the means and consciousness of current conditions in the here and now. The codification of such principles is feasible through the process of the Constituent Assembly as the initial Council methodology formulating the permanent priorities and conditions which generate a societal consensus for the legitimacy of the Law. In effect the hierarchy of power is put into question as an operational regime. The failure of the modern Nation-State is revealed as non-operational in various dimensions; as lacking the actual collective consciousness in consensus, disregarding the minorities in Civil Society and hoisting a hierarchy of power without the authority of the Public’s will.
VL  - 14
IS  - 2
ER  -

Copy | Download